-Víctor Álvarez R. – marzo 15, 2017

Víctor Álvarez R

Como bien lo dijo alguien una vez, la vida es un perpetuo desencuentro con uno mismo. En el liceo de mi pueblo, donde me tocó estudiar educación media, no había biblioteca, ni materiales de laboratorios, ni implementos deportivos. Por eso, desde primer año de bachillerato vi con tanta simpatía a los estudiantes de años superiores que nos arengaban a marchar y reclamar mejores condiciones de estudio. Los miembros del centro de estudiantes que defendían las reivindicaciones estudiantiles eran considerados gente de izquierda, mientras que los que se cuadraban con la autoridad y trataban de evitar las protestas eran considerados de derecha y gobierneros. Me vinculé a los estudiantes rebeldes y, sin darme cuenta, terminé metido en las luchas estudiantiles, identificado como gente de izquierda.

En un debate en el liceo me enteré que esa identificación se originó en los tiempos de la Revolución Francesa, cuando en la Asamblea Constituyente quienes defendían la monarquía y el poder absoluto del Rey se sentaban a la derecha, mientras que los partidarios de la soberanía nacional y de la población más vulnerable se sentaban a la izquierda. Desde entonces me quedó sembrada la idea de que un izquierdista es aquel que se identifica con el débil, que ayuda al que está mal, mientras que un derechista se pone al lado del fuerte, apoya al que está mejor.

En esas lides estudiantiles fui captado por una tendencia política que, al terminar el bachillerato, me envió a Cuba a estudiar economía, porque había que preparar los «cuadros» que dirigirían la Revolución Socialista en Venezuela.

«Conozco al monstruo porque he vivido en sus entrañas»

En la Universidad de La Habana estudié Planificación de la Economía Nacional (PEN), una carrera plagada de matemáticas, estadística, cibernética económica, contabilidad de costos, matrices insumo-producto y diseño de modelos cuantitativos que me mantuvieron muy ocupado y estresado los cinco años de la carrera. Pocas veces fui a Varadero y una sola vez escalé la montaña de El Turquino.

Durante los tres primeros años de la carrera, además de la pesada carga cuantitativa, el pensum de estudios incluía materias de filosofía marxista y economía política, por lo que también recibí una alta dosis de socialismo científico. Estudié los tres tomos de El Capital y las obras más importantes de los clásicos del marxismo-leninismo, cuyo objetivo académico y político era comprender la naturaleza explotadora, opresora y depredadora de la economía y sociedad capitalistas, en función de agudizar sus contradicciones hasta lograr su transformación revolucionaria. Estudié los conflictos entre capital y trabajo y la lucha de clases como la fuerza motriz que daría al traste con el sistema capitalista para dar origen al socialismo como una sociedad, libre de explotación, opresión y discriminación.

Lo más importante no lo aprendí en las aulas de la Universidad de La Habana sino en las calles, en los hogares que pude visitar, en la residencia estudiantil donde viví cinco años junto a decenas de jóvenes idealistas, procedentes de otros países de América Latina, África, Asia y Europa. Éramos jóvenes decididos a consagrar nuestra vida a la construcción de un mundo libre de pobreza y exclusión social, donde el pensamiento crítico pudiera volar con libertad y todas las personas pudieran desplegar plenamente su potencial para alcanzar el desarrollo humano integral.

Pero el contraste de nuestro sueño con la realidad saltaba a la vista. Llegué a Cuba en los años del éxodo de Mariel, 125 mil cubanos huyeron de la isla y los que no pudieron terminaron execrados. Recuerdo que el estudiante más destacado de la residencia donde vivía fue expulsado de la Universidad porque se descubrió que era católico, un dirigente estudiantil fue destituido y botado cuando reconoció que era homosexual y otro fue juzgado por diversionismo ideológico cuando lo encontraron leyendo un libro de León Trotsky. Y los que manifestaban su voluntad de irse de la isla eran humillados en denigrantes actos de repudio: «¡pim, pom, fuera: abajo la gusanera!» era la consigna que aún resuena en mi memoria.

En aquellos años de fragua también pude disfrutar de esas pequeñas cosas que van esculpiendo día a día la grandeza humana, auténticas manifestaciones de desprendimiento, bondad, compañerismo y rectitud que me aportaron valores del espíritu y fortaleza de carácter para asumir con claridad mi misión en esta vida. Así, en medio de la crónica escasez y racionamiento de alimentos que afectaba a los hogares en Cuba, y que en nuestra ingenuidad juvenil atribuíamos solo al bloqueo económico de los Estados Unidos, conocí la generosidad a través de compañeros de estudio que me invitaron a sus casas a conocer sus familias y prácticamente se quitaban el bocado de la boca para agasajar al compañero visitante. Entre argentinos, chilenos y uruguayos desterrados por las dictaduras fascistas de aquellos años, entre nicaragüenses y salvadoreños mutilados que venían de empuñar las armas contra las tiranías que desangraban a sus pueblos, al lado de etíopes, angolanos y mozambicanos que recién salían del colonialismo depredador, y junto a aquellos vietnamitas pequeñitos que se agigantaban orgullosos al relatar cómo habían derrotado a la potencia militar más grande del mundo, comprendí que la solidaridad entre los pueblos y seres humanos es hacer muy mío el problema del otro. Sentí crecer en mi espíritu la fuerza moral que brota al ser intransigente contra lo mal hecho, al saber cumplir con la palabra empeñada, con el compromiso asumido. Entendí lo importante de tener claras convicciones y sólidos principios y valores para no vivir una vida simulada y ser sincero con uno mismo.

Mientras en el aula de clase estudiábamos las tesis de Marx sobre la importancia de «organizar la sociedad de tal forma que cada uno de sus miembros pudiese desarrollar y utilizar todo su potencial y facultades en completa libertad, sin desnaturalizar la esencia básica de la sociedad», al salir del aula e ir al encuentro con la realidad no lograba descifrar por qué entonces había tanto emprendimiento reprimido, tanto potencial desaprovechado, si la Revolución había triunfado justamente para liberar los poderes creadores de la gente, para hacer posible «una asociación en la que el libre desarrollo de cada uno sea la condición del libre desarrollo de todos» y así llegar a satisfacer plenamente las necesidades materiales, intelectuales y espirituales de la sociedad. ¿Por qué, entonces, la mayoría de la gente vivía sumida en semejante escasez y precariedad?

Po eso, en aquellos años también vi con confusión y desencanto muchas realidades que se alejaban de nuestra utopía: el absolutismo de la propiedad estatal, la persecución del espíritu emprendedor y de la iniciativa privada, la imposición de un modelo político basado en la hegemonía del partido gobernante y la ilegalización de los opositores, el centralismo paralizante, el férreo control de los medios de comunicación, la criminalización de la crítica como delito contra la seguridad del Estado, el culto a la personalidad del caudillo autoritario, la incondicionalidad a la línea del partido, la funcionarización y sometimiento de la fuerza de trabajo y una crónica escasez y racionamiento de los productos y servicios esenciales para llevar con dignidad y alegría la vida cotidiana.

No hay mal que dure cien años ni cuerpo que lo resista

En 2017 se cumplen cien años de la Revolución Rusa, la primera revolución de obreros y campesinos de toda la historia. Después de un siglo de ensayo y error, ninguna de las revoluciones socialistas -ni la soviética, ni la china, ni la cubana, ni la coreana, ni la vietnamita, ni la nicaragüense, ni la bolivariana- cumplieron su promesa de liberar a los pueblos de la explotación económica, la opresión política y la discriminación por razones ideológicas, religiosas, raciales, de género u orientación sexual. El tipo de socialismo que se ensayó a lo largo de esos cien años no funcionó ni funcionará debido a razones económicas, políticas, sociales y de otra índole:

En lo económico, las revoluciones socialistas conocidas, tras su promesa de erradicar la explotación del hombre por el hombre, expropian los medios de producción que pasan al Estado como supuesto representante de los intereses generales de la sociedad. Pero como la asociación de productores independientes que planteaba Marx los hace libres y autónomos, entonces la nomenklatura política y burocrática, para aferrarse al poder, impuso su control y dominación sobre la sociedad al criminalizar el emprendimiento y la iniciativa privada y tipificarla como una amenaza de restauración del viejo orden capitalista. Paradójicamente, esas élites gobernantes operan como una casta explotadora que maneja las empresas públicas como si fueran de su propiedad y logran apoderarse de buena parte del plus valor social a través de los privilegios que se otorgan, y de la corrupción y saqueo de los recursos públicos. Incluso, en países donde los socialistas han tomado el poder por la vía electoral, se intenta controlar los niveles de ganancias a partir de rígidos controles que dejan congelados los precios por debajo de los costos, generando crecientes pérdidas que desestimulan la producción y causan una creciente escasez de los bienes más esenciales para la sobrevivencia humana. En lugar de controlar las ganancias a través de la promoción de inversiones y de la competencia entre miles de empresas que ofrezcan una abundante oferta de productos con menor precio y mayor calidad, el socialismo dogmático inhibe el espíritu emprendedor y aleja la inversión, provocando la crónica escasez que ha asignado a los ensayos socialistas. Por si fuera poco, el socialismo electoral del siglo XXI, para poder reelegirse indefinidamente en el poder, intenta mantener su popularidad con dádivas y prebendas que lo obligan a gastar más de los impuestos que pueden recaudar, y así termina financiando su déficit con emisiones de dinero sin respaldo en la producción, lo cual propaga la inflación, disuelve la capacidad de compra de los salarios y empobrece a la población que esa pseudo izquierda en el poder dice proteger y defender.

En lo social, la escasez de alimentos, medicinas, productos de higiene personal, artefactos electrodomésticos, repuestos automotrices, etc., como consecuencia inevitable de un modelo estatista basado en ruinosas expropiaciones y en la hostilidad a la empresa privada, es caldo de cultivo para que se multipliquen las perversas prácticas del acaparamiento, especulación e inflación que aniquilan la capacidad adquisitiva de los hogares y causan el empobrecimiento generalizado de una población que no logra satisfacer sus necesidades básicas y esenciales. En los casos del socialismo electoral, la política asistencialista y compensatoria lejos de ofrecer una solución estructural a la problemática del desempleo, la pobreza y la exclusión social, desemboca en una manipulación clientelar de las compensaciones que destruye la dignidad de los pueblos y los acostumbra a vivir indefinidamente de dádivas y prebendas que no son fruto del trabajo. Las asignaciones a través de las cuales se manipula a la gente se presentan como la gestión del gobierno revolucionario y socialista para hacer valer los «derechos inalienables» del pueblo, cuando en realidad son un instrumento de dominación y opresión. En una verdadera política social habilitadora y emancipadora, la compensación tiene que desaparecer a medida que el aumento del nivel educativo, la capacitación técnica y el financiamiento a proyectos productivos faciliten la inclusión social en el sistema económico, de tal forma que los favorecidos dejen de depender de la política asistencialista y puedan satisfacer sus necesidades a partir de su propio esfuerzo y de su inserción en la construcción de un nuevo modelo productivo liberador. Pero como se ha visto, la prolongación en el tiempo de estas ayudas sociales las degenera y las convierte en un instrumento de dominación y opresión.

En lo político, se va imponiendo un modelo de dominación basado en la hegemonía de un solo partido, con liderazgos autoritarios que se aferran al poder a través del culto a la personalidad y reelecciones indefinidas, donde los candidatos del oficialismo se miden con ventaja al hacer un uso indebido de los recursos públicos en cada campaña electoral, incluyendo la movilización forzada de funcionarios a sus actos proselitistas. Esto crea un ambiente de opresión política, toda vez que a los trabajadores se les violan sus derechos y son despedidos por manifestar una preferencia política distinta al continuismo oficialista. El sistema político basado en la hegemonía de un solo partido degenera hacia la burocratización y el autoritarismo político. La historia del Partido Único es la historia de la burocracia, el burocratismo y la burocratización. La libre organización política es obstaculizada, criminalizada y perseguida, llegándose a considerar como un delito contra la seguridad del Estado. Este mecanismo de dominación se manifiesta en la entronización de elites burocráticas y la nomenklatura partidista que usurpan la soberanía popular y conculcan la institución del voto, concentran el poder de decisión en pocas manos e imponen el fetichismo jurídico expresado en el culto al plan gubernamental y a la norma amañada, sin importar su pertinencia y grado de legitimidad. En nombre de la mayoría, la nomenklatura niega el acceso democrático a los derechos políticos del pueblo, los cuales pasan a ser exclusivo privilegio de las élites dirigentes y gobernantes, dando origen a grupos de poder que, en la práctica, se constituyen en clases o castas sociales al secuestrar y usufructuar -para su propio interés- el sistema socioeconómico y materializar sus intereses particulares desde las posiciones de poder.

En mayor o menor medida, los intentos por construir el socialismo, tanto en el siglo XX como en el XX, reeditaron y exacerbaron los peores flagelos de la vieja sociedad que pretendieron superar. Y en nombre de la defensa del bloque socialista internacional, llegaron al extremo de justificar las aberraciones colonialistas e imperialistas con sus invasiones de tanques que ahogaron en sangre la soberanía nacional y el derecho a la autodeterminación en Hungría, Checoeslovaquia, Afganistán, etc. Ninguna de las experiencias conocidas honró los valores que enarbola la utopía socialista. Por eso, cuando derribaron el Muro de Berlín, disolvieron la URSS y uno a uno fueron cayendo los socialismos estatistas y autoritarios de Europa oriental, nadie echo un tiro en su defensa.

La Revolución Bolivariana: un intento fallido para renovar el ideal socialista

La Revolución Bolivariana triunfó con la promesa de convocar una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, redactar una nueva Constitución para refundar la República y erradicar las causas estructurales de la pobreza y la exclusión. Ilusionado con esta idea, apoyé y me comprometí con el gobierno del presidente Chávez, del cual llegué a ser uno de sus ministros.

Con el objetivo de impulsar el desarrollo endógeno en boga para esos años (2004-2006), me tocó la tarea de crear el nuevo Ministerio de Industrias Básicas y Minería (MIBAN). Con ese fin, armé un equipo en el que combiné el ímpetu y ganas de trabajar por Venezuela de jóvenes profesionales académicamente muy bien formados, junto a viejos dirigentes de la izquierda venezolana. A la hora de escoger a los jóvenes, no revisé la Lista de Tascón ni investigué sobre su simpatía política. Me bastaba con verificar que estaban bien formados, eran competentes y querían trabajar por Venezuela.

El objetivo que nos planteamos en el MIBAN fue impulsar una nueva política industrial y tecnológica para sustituir el modelo de industrias básicas limitado a la explotación de ventajas comparativas derivadas de la dotación de materias primas, energía y fuerza de trabajo barata para exportar insumos básicos hacia los centros industrializados, por un nuevo modelo de industrialización sustentado en la creación de ventajas competitivas derivadas de la investigación científica y tecnológica, a fin de producir bienes de mayor grado de transformación industrial.

Para tal fin nos propusimos reinventar la Corporación Venezolana de Guayana, pero rápidamente nos dimos cuenta que, ante la pesada carga burocrática y lentitud de la CVG, era necesario crear un instrumento más transparente y eficiente. Nació así la Corporación de Industrias Básicas (CONIBA) como promotora de una nueva generación de empresas que se ocuparían de transformar el mineral de hierro, el acero primario, los lingotes de aluminio, el oro, los diamantes, demás minerales y la madera en productos de mayor valor agregado para sustituir importaciones, ahorrar divisas, diversificar las exportaciones con productos de mayor valor agregado y generar nuevas fuentes de ingresos externos que contribuyeran a reducir la larga dependencia de la renta petrolera.

Desde la CONIBA se aceleró la planta depuradora de mineral de hierro y se empezó a trabajar en los proyectos de la nueva siderúrgica de acero inoxidable, la planta de estructuras metálicas y rieles para las obras de infraestructura y el sistema ferroviario nacional; la planta de tubos sin costura para la industria petrolera y gasífera: la planta laminadora de aluminio para la industria de alimentos y farmacéutica; la empresa minera nacional para el aprovechamiento del oro, diamantes, caolín y coltán; el aserradero industrial para aprovechar los bosques de pino de Chaguaramas y Uverito; la desmotadora de algodón para la industria textil; y, la empresa nacional recuperadora de millones de toneladas de la mal llamada chatarra con el fin de reutilizarlas y prolongar así las reservas de minerales.

En el Plan de Industrialización estaba contemplado la creación de una red de nuevos centros tecnológicos para apoyar la innovación de productos y procesos, fortalecer las capacidades tecnológicas e innovativas y crear ventajas competitivas sustentadas en un uso intensivo e inteligente de la información y los conocimientos científicos y tecnológicos. Con ese fin en el Directorio de la CVG aprobamos un aumento de la contribución de las empresas básicas al Fondo LOCTI (Ley orgánica de Ciencia tecnología e Innovación) y se impulsó la creación del primer Centro de Innovación Tecnológica del Aluminio (CINTAL).

Cada una de estas nuevas empresas sería el motor económico y productivo en torno a los cuales se consolidarían nuevas ciudades más amigables y humanas. La Ciudad del Acero en Ciudad Piar, la Ciudad del Aluminio en Caicara del Orinoco, la Ciudad del Diamante en Guaniamo, la Ciudad de la Madera en Uverito serían los núcleos de desarrollo endógeno en los que, además de la inversión en las nuevas empresas básicas, se concentraría la inversión social de las misiones Vivienda, Alimentación, Barrio Adentro, Ribas, Sucre, Cultura, Ciencia, etc. a fin de contribuir a la desconcentración poblacional al ofrecer mejores condiciones de vivienda, alimentación, salud, educación y recreación en un nuevo hábitat donde los trabajadores pudieran vivir dignamente con sus familias.

El logro de los objetivos y metas del MIBAN y la CONIBA tropezaron desde un primer momento con los poderosos intereses de los traficantes de la política y de grupos económicos importadores que temían ser desplazados por la producción nacional que se iniciaría en esta nueva generación de empresas básicas. Iguales obstáculos confrontó la tarea de rescindir y recuperar para el interés de la República las concesiones mineras inactivas que se habían entregado hacía más de una década a grupos de interés que se dedicaban a especular con estas concesiones en las bolsas de valores, sin que hubieran iniciado las actividades de exploración y aprovechamiento racional de esos yacimientos. La recuperación de los terrenos urbanos que la CVG había cedido a particulares para la construcción de viviendas, sin que a la fecha se hubiese hecho nada, también generó una férrea resistencia. Incluso, el programa de suministro de materias primas en condiciones preferenciales para la industria nacional golpeó con fuerza a las mafias que especulaban con los cupos en las empresas básicas y dejaban sin insumos básicos a la industria nacional. Muchos fueron los intereses afectados y las intrigas no tardaron en aparecer. En plena lucha contra los témpanos de poder enquistados en las industrias básicas, comenzaron a llegar informes a Miraflores sobre la designación en cargos de confianza de personas que habían firmado en contra del presidente Chávez en el Referendo Revocatorio de 2004.

Como dije antes, no revisé la Lista de Tascón, aunque en otros casos estaba plenamente consciente de que esas personas habían firmado a favor de la revocatoria del mandato presidencial. Un sábado a mediodía, apenas al aterrizar en el aeropuerto de La Carlota, recibí una llamada del presidente Chávez quien me daba instrucciones para asistir esa misma tarde a una reunión con el Ministro de Interior y Justicia y el comisario político del partido para tratar un asunto muy delicado. Al llegar me mostraron las planillas del Referendo Revocatorio del 2004 que habían sido suministradas por la autoridad electoral donde altos cargos del MIBAN, la CVG y la CONIBA aparecían firmando a favor del revocatorio del mandato presidencial: estas personas no pueden continuar desempeñando cargos de confianza en el gobierno y van a ser destituidas, me espetaron.

Al salir de la reunión llamé al presidente Chávez para explicarle que se trataba de jóvenes profesionales graduados con honores y estudios de especialización, maestría y doctorado en universidades de gran prestigio académico, quienes merecían una oportunidad. Incluso, había contratados que habían sido despedidos de PDVSA. Subrayé que me había costado un gran esfuerzo armar un equipo con gente competente, comprometidos a impulsar los nuevos proyectos de desarrollo industrial. Pero no fue posible: nadie que se haya sumado al sabotaje de PDVSA ni haya firmado en mi contra en el referendo revocatorio puede volver a PDVSA o desempeñar un cargo en el gobierno, fue la respuesta que recibí.

Las intrigas continuaron para crear un clima de sospecha y desconfianza en contra de los nuevos equipos del MIBAN, la CVG y la CONIBA. Tal fue la cizaña sembrada que tuve que cambiar varias veces al Directorio de la CVG, remover presidentes de empresas y, en última instancia, preservar en condición de asesores el talento técnico y gerencial que ya no podía seguir en cargos de confianza. A todas estas, el Ministerio de Finanzas no bajaba los recursos financieros y el cronograma de los proyectos comenzó a retrasarse. Los fondos para las nuevas empresas no llegaron y las metas de crear empleo productivo fueron desplazadas por las crecientes nóminas en las misiones sociales y el reparto clientelar de la renta petrolera. Al ver como se abortaba un programa de desarrollo industrial tan importante y necesario para el país, comenzó mi paulatino y sostenido desencanto y alejamiento.

Por un grave problema de salud salí del gobierno en agosto de 2006. Mis sucesores congelaron los proyectos y desmantelaron los equipos. La CONIBA fue disuelta y después el MIBAN terminó liquidado. El sueño de reindustrializar la economía venezolana y ver crecer las nuevas Ciudades del Acero, del Aluminio, del Oro, de los Diamantes y de la Madera había quedado engavetado. La renta petrolera que tenía que ser destinada a la concreción de grandes proyectos de interés nacional, finalmente se utilizaba como un mecanismo de dominación para premiar a los seguidores del gobierno, comprar a los vacilantes y castigar a sus adversarios.

Los precios del petróleo aceleraron su ascenso entre 2006-2008 y le dieron al gobierno la autonomía financiera para no tener que depender de los impuestos de los contribuyentes ni de las inversiones privadas y extranjeras que para entonces estábamos promoviendo a través de las Macroruedas de Inversión. Ya fuera del gobierno, lamenté con mucho dolor como se abandonaba la promesa de transformar el capitalismo rentístico e importador en un nuevo modelo productivo socialista y exportador. Un gobierno eufórico por los impresionantes saltos que daban los precios de los crudos terminó embriagado por el caudaloso ingreso petrolero y exacerbó como nunca la cultura rentista de su clientela electoral, cuyo leitmotiv consiste en vivir de las transferencias que el gobierno hace de la renta y no del merecido gozo de los frutos del trabajo productivo. La desnaturalización y alejamiento del proyecto inicial se hacía cada vez más evidente. Y es que cuando un gobierno demagógicamente siembra la idea de que el pueblo es copropietario de las riquezas del subsuelo y que a cada quien le toca su gota de petróleo, lo que logra es desquiciar la mentalidad rentista de todo aquel que pretende vivir sin tener que trabajar, así como la rapacidad de los corruptos que ansían hacerse millonarios, aunque no tengan nada que invertir.

El neo-rentismo socialista

Los principales voceros del oficialismo siempre se han ufanado de haber destinado el mayor porcentaje de la renta petrolera al financiamiento de la inversión social para reducir los elevados niveles de desempleo, desigualdad, pobreza y exclusión social heredados de la IV República. Así, el socialismo venezolano se sustentó en el auge sin precedentes que registró en aquellos años la renta del petróleo. El neo-rentismo socialista que Chávez promovió funcionó a la perfección mientras los precios del petróleo estuvieron altos y el gobierno pudo disponer de una abundante renta para financiar la inversión social y aliviar temporalmente las precarias condiciones de vida de la población más vulnerable. Paro al no diversificar la economía y generar empleo productivo y emancipador, con el colapso de los precios del petróleo esa pasajera ilusión de prosperidad se vino abajo y la burbuja reventó.

La manera como se despilfarró el último auge de los precios del petróleo me ayudó a entender que en un país donde el gasto público no se financia con los impuestos que pagan los contribuyentes sino con la renta, no hay buenos o malos gobiernos sino buenos o malos precios del petróleo. Con precios por encima de 100 $/b cualquier gobernante se luce, encubre sus errores y sostiene su popularidad para ganar todas las elecciones con solo levantar la mano a sus candidatos.

Pero con bajos precios del petróleo, al no contar con el mismo caudal de renta, cualquier presidente rápidamente pierde popularidad al no poder complacer a un electorado clientelar que espera ansioso la aparición del nuevo mesías. Una vez que se desploman los precios del petróleo se hace imposible sostener los programas sociales de los que depende la satisfacción de las necesidades básicas de la población más pobre. Sin la caudalosa renta, el falso profeta ya no cuenta con la misma capacidad de maniobra y así le resulta imposible prolongar su hegemonía.

Con el pretexto de enfrentar la guerra económica y defender las conquistas del socialismo venezolano, la nomenklatura oficialista ha transformado la escasez y el hambre en las condiciones básicas para imponer su modelo de dominación. Con bolsas de comida, ineficientes subsidios y gratuidades indebidas, el neo-rentismo socialista explota la ausencia de una cultura del trabajo para asegurar una clientela electoral que, en vez de sentirse orgullosa de ganarse la vida con el sudor de la frente, medra de las dádivas del gobierno a cambio de su incondicionalidad electoral. ¡Vaya manera de destruir la dignidad y el decoro de un pueblo!

¿Acaso el socialismo no funciona?

Al cumplirse cien años de la Revolución Rusa, son muchos los intentos fallidos y demasiadas las evidencias de que el modelo socialista, tal como se implementó, no funciona, incluyendo el neo-rentismo socialista que pretendió implantar la Revolución Bolivariana. Y ya resulta contradictorio y absurdo obstinarse en justificar y defender un formato estatista, autoritario y opresor de organización política, económica y social que es totalmente contrario a los objetivos de igualdad, justicia, libertad, fraternidad y bienestar que la utopía socialista teóricamente se propone lograr. Los hechos revelan que sus promotores, una vez que logran controlar el gobierno, tienden a centralizar y concentrar todo el poder. Al degenerar en un régimen cada vez más autoritario y represivo, manchan el honor y desprestigian la propuesta del socialismo emancipador y democrático.

Todas esas pseudo-revoluciones terminaron secuestradas por poderosas nomenklaturas burocráticas y corruptas que impusieron su dominación y se enquistaron en el poder a nombre del pueblo, de la patria y la soberanía, del antiimperialismo, aberración que me ha hecho repensar con desilusión y dolor mi identificación como hombre de izquierda, partidario del ideal socialista.

Con esto no quiero negar la utilidad y vigencia de los aportes de Marx y el pensamiento marxista para entender la naturaleza explotadora, opresora y depredadora del capitalismo. A la luz de lo que pude apreciar en mi tránsito por el llamado socialismo real y en tantos intentos fallidos por construir el socialismo, incluyendo el neo-rentismo-socialista venezolano, el problema no estuvo en la concepción marxista que ayudó a interpretar la injusticia estructural inherente a la lógica del sistema capitalista, sino en el dogmatismo y autoritarismo con el que fueron tergiversadas estas ideas por quienes se aferraron al poder en su nombre y enlodaron con su ambición la herencia de ese pensamiento.

Con base en lo que estudié y viví, creo que los aportes de Marx –que en esencia son un método crítico y dialéctico para el análisis del sistema capitalista- no pueden convertirse en las sagradas escrituras para construir la nueva sociedad justa, libre y democrática. Pero tanto los exégetas como los detractores del marxismo se han encargado de exagerar los alcances y limitaciones de un pensamiento inconcluso y abierto, que finalmente terminó truncado y muy desprestigiado por habérsele atribuido la autoría intelectual de las experiencias fallidas del socialismo real en el siglo XX e, incluso, del nuevo intento por levantar el socialismo en el siglo XXI.

Más allá de que ninguna de esas experiencias funcionó y que la opción socialista terminó tan desprestigiada por las desviaciones y aberraciones de quienes lejos de superar los males que le criticaron al capitalismo, los agravaron a nombre del socialismo, la explicación de la naturaleza explotadora, opresora y depredadora del capitalismo constituye un aporte innegable del marxismo.

Mi deslinde, entonces, es con el socialismo autoritario y el dogmatismo de izquierda. Me desmarco de quienes, a nombre de la utopía socialista, en vez de impulsar una sociedad de productores libres, interdependientes y solidarios, lo que hicieron fue burocratizar, funcionarizar y someter a la fuerza de trabajo y a la sociedad. Dejo claro que mi crítica es a un modelo de socialismo arbitrario y despótico y, por lo tanto, no puede tergiversarse como una claudicación ante el capitalismo explotador, opresor y depredador. Mi rechazo a la izquierda dogmática y al pseudo-socialismo que encarna no es una rendición ni mucho menos un arrepentimiento por todo lo que he dicho, he escrito y he hecho a favor de la utopía socialista, sino un sincero intento por lavarle la cara a ese ideal, tantas veces enlodado por farsantes y charlatanes que hacen gárgaras con pueblo, patria y revolución para medrar a nombre del socialismo y manchar la reputación y el honor de esa opción.

A cien años de la primera revolución socialista me preguntó, entonces, si reivindicar esa división entre gente de izquierda y derecha realmente nos ayuda a ampliar el espacio social de nuestras causas, que hoy no solo es contra la explotación del hombre por el hombre, sino también contra el racismo, contra el patriarcado, contra la homofobia y la xenofobia, contra el neocolonialismo y el neoproteccionismo, contra la contaminación del ambiente y el calentamiento global. Reducir la inmensa gama de problemas que hoy atormentan a la humanidad a la contradicción capital-trabajo y a la lucha de clases entre burgueses y proletarios es desconocer otros motores de la historia. También están las luchas de los pueblos indígenas, de las comunidades campesinas, de las feministas contra la violencia machista, las luchas por los derechos de los niños y adolescentes, las causas de los estudiantes y jóvenes, la defensa de los derechos de la naturaleza, el respeto a la dignidad de los animales y otras causas hermosas que estimulan en el ser humano sus mejores valores y sus más puros sentimientos y emociones.

En estos tiempos en los que se multiplican los movimientos sociales que interpretan mejor el clamor de la gente, el compromiso social no pasa por militar y actuar según lo ordena la línea del Partido, especie de pensamiento único que criminaliza e inhibe el pensamiento libre. Cada sujeto social tiene una lectura de su propia realidad, tiene sus prioridades, sus anhelos, su propia subjetividad. Solo a partir de un diálogo libre, respetuoso y sincero entre una gama tan amplia de visiones e intereses es que se puede construir la unidad en la diversidad, una base de criterios compartidos que permita la complementación y coherencia en la acción social transformadora.

El materialismo y economicismo del marxismo se quedaron cortos al no tomar en cuenta las necesidades espirituales e intelectuales de la gente, la historia de los pueblos, sus tradiciones de lucha, sus creencias ancestrales. Construir la nueva sociedad que haga posible el desarrollo humano integral pasa por reconocer que las nociones de izquierda y derecha no solo quedan limitadas al no recoger esa riqueza, sino que también han quedado muy desdibujadas, toda vez que a nombre de la izquierda y el socialismo se han cometido tantos crímenes, abusos y excesos propios de la ultra derecha y el fascismo, que en el imaginario popular esa definición e identidad hoy lucen muy desacreditadas y poco convocan a apoyar y comprometerse con las buenas causas que la humanidad aún tiene planteadas.

¿Cómo reparar semejante daño? ¿Acaso estos no son tiempos para encontrar un nuevo significante expresivo y simbólico que nos una, que nos ayude a desmontar los prejuicios mineralizados en esa vieja identificación de izquierda o socialista que no nos deja reconocernos plenamente en torno a nuestras causas comunes? ¿Acaso tendríamos que encontrar un nuevo nombre, una nueva manera de identificarnos para evitar el rechazo a una envoltura que hoy luce tan desacreditada? ¿Acaso antes que una etiqueta lo más importante no es salvar el contenido de principios y valores que inspiran las causas en las que seguimos creyendo?

Ni de izquierda ni socialista: ¡humanista!

Como dijo alguien, si quieres resultados diferentes no puedes seguir intentándolo de la misma manera. Las desviaciones, errores y barbaridades que a lo largo de un siglo han cometido gobiernos de izquierda a nombre de la utopía socialista me obligan a buscar nuevas formas para seguir siendo consecuente con los valores de solidaridad, igualdad, justicia, libertad y fraternidad que pueden salvar a la humanidad de la barbarie capitalista. Para poder encontrar esos nuevos referentes que nos unan hay que romper la inercia y esto implica una ruptura radical con los dogmas del pensamiento de izquierda y socialista que generan un conflicto existencial entre los seres humanos de buena fe, mujeres y hombres que queremos seguir siendo consecuentes con las mejores causas de la humanidad, sin tener que pagar el estigma de los fracasos históricos que mancharon la utopía socialista.

Por eso no le veo sentido a seguir aferrado a un modelo que después de cien años de intentos fallidos no fue capaz de dar respuesta a las expectativas generadas y hoy luce agotado y desacreditado. Ni la izquierda ni los socialistas tienen el monopolio de la verdad en la lucha contra la explotación, la opresión y cualquier otra forma de discriminación, ya sea por razones ideológicas, religiosas, étnicas, de género u orientación sexual. Superar tantas creencias limitantes y excluyentes pasa por saber valorar al ser humano, a la condición humana. Es reconocerse como un humanista que rompe con rígidos dogmas y busca nuevas formas de pensar, a la vez que es capaz de aceptar que hay otras visiones e ideas que también ayudan a comprender y transformar la realidad. Ser humanista es reconocer otras prácticas sociales y modos de vida alternativos, diferentes a los que dicta el economicismo marxista y la interpretación dogmática del socialismo. Ser humanista exige reconocer la diversidad de saberes y métodos para construir una sociedad distinta y mejor, donde las cúpulas políticas no secuestren el poder ni conculquen los derechos ciudadanos, donde los movimientos sociales no sean colonizados por los partidos políticos para convertirlos en apéndice de sus intereses.

Más que la tradicional noción de izquierda o socialista, estoy cada vez más convencido que esta interpretación del humanismo expresa mejor mi aspiración de seguir luchando por la construcción de una nueva sociedad que haga posible el desarrollo humano integral, en la que se respeten y hagan valer los derechos sociales, económicos, políticos, culturales y todos los derechos humanos que hoy son universales.

Por todas las razones antes expuestas, y por encima de mi tradición de izquierda y socialista, en adelante me declaro sencillamente: ¡humanista!

Artículos relacionados:

http://revistasic.gumilla.org/2017/ser-o-no-ser-de-izquierda-socialista-o-humanista/


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